segunda-feira, setembro 02, 2013

Conclusões da palestra - A Inovação aprende-se?



Palestra - “ A inovação , aprende-se?”

                      
                                                       Palestrante- Professora Doutora  Elvira Fortunato



Conclusões

A Inovação  ensina-se, estimula-se e trabalha-se.
Sublinhar a importância do primeiro ciclo como primeiro contacto com o Conhecimento e por que não desde o jardim de infância;

Tornar a carreira académica competitiva, premiando o mérito, sugerindo-se alteração da lei vigente;
Combater a falta de visão das empresas portuguesas em relação à Inovação e à falta de visão estratégica;
Integrar equipas com formações académicas diversas e de diferentes nacionalidades é uma mais valia para o sucesso de qualquer projecto;

Criar autonomia financeira aliviando tanto quanto possível o orçamento de estado é uma boa prática;
Valorizar o que temos de bom e o que de excelente qualidade se faz em Portugal;
Alinhar a estratégica científica com a estratégia política tendo em vista os resultados, orientando a investigação para uma relação íntima entre as empresas e as Universidades;

As crises potenciam soluções.

     

quarta-feira, julho 24, 2013

Declaração final de Malta - AEAP

ASSOCIATION EUROPEENNE DES ANCIENS PARLEMENTAIRES DES PAYS MEMBRES DU CONSEIL DE L’EUROPE
COLLOQUE de Malte

SOUTIEN AUX PROCESSUS DE TRANSITION DEMOCRATIQUE DANS LE SUD DE LA MEDITERRANEE ET AU MOYEN ORIENT
DECLARATION DE MALTE

Adoptée à l'unanimité par les délégués représentant les membres de l’Association européenne des anciens Parlementaires des Pays membres du Conseil de l’Europe

I. INTRODUCTION
1. Nous, anciens parlementaires appartenant aux associations membres de l’Association européenne, saluons et soutenons pleinement l’émergence de nouvelles démocraties et le processus de transition démocratique dans des pays du sud du bassin méditerranéen et du Moyen Orient, qui peuvent conduire à une nouvelle ère de liberté, de prospérité, de justice et de paix.
2. Nous soulignons l’importance du message du Secrétaire général des Nations Unies en 2011, à l’occasion de la Journée Internationale de la Démocratie le 15 septembre : « Des millions d’êtres humains ont participé aux événements hors du commun qui se sont déroulés au Moyen-Orient, en Afrique du Nord et ailleurs. Leur attitude a confirmé que la démocratie est un modèle universel. Cette année a également permis de se rappeler que la démocratie ne saurait être exportée ou imposée de l’extérieur : elle doit trouver son origine dans la volonté du peuple et ses forces vives dans une société civile active et forte. Ce sont avant tout les jeunes qui ont transmis ce message. Ils ont été les champions de l’idéal démocratique et il leur faut maintenant franchir les obstacles pour réaliser le potentiel de la transition qu’ils ont contribué à provoquer. »
3. La région dont question dans la présente Déclaration est envisagée dans une perspective générale, ce qui évite de procéder à une analyse spécifique de certains pays. Le « Printemps arabe » est un moment de changement historique, offrant l’occasion de reforger la région méditerranéenne sur la base de valeurs fondamentales communes mais ne reposant en aucun cas sur des fondements idéologiques ou religieux. Ce processus peut être décrit comme un événement inattendu mais positif, qui s’est développé assez rapidement, avec effet domino sur les pays qui sont soumis à des régimes d’oppression similaires et au mécontentement social, économique et éducatif.
4. Quoique le « Printemps arabe » se soit produit dans certains pays du sud de la Méditerranée et du Moyen Orient, il faut souligner néanmoins que les pays de ces régions ne constituent pas un groupe homogène, mais sont intrinsèquement divers, tant entre eux qu’au sein même des pays et dans une moindre mesure également au niveau sub-régional.
5. Le but de la présente Déclaration est d’analyser et d’interpréter les événements dans les pays du sud de la Méditerranée et du Moyen Orient, qui sont le résultat du « Printemps arabe » et de formuler quelques propositions.
II. RECIT
6. Certains politiciens et commentateurs politiques qui se sont demandé si les exigences à l’origine du « Printemps arabe » seront rencontrées par les parties qui doivent à présent créer de « nouveaux » états, parlent des révolutions comme une « illusion ». D’autres stipulent souvent que les pays arabes de la région peuvent être comparés à l’Europe telle qu’elle était dans le passé. D’après eux, il faut leur laisser le temps de se développer de façon démocratique. Après tout, il a fallu beaucoup de temps à la plupart des pays européens pour mettre en place leur système démocratique, certains d’entre eux venant seulement d’y parvenir tandis que d’autres accusent toujours un certain retard.
7. Les forces motrices des événements dramatiques n’étaient pas, à l’origine, que de simples demandes de liberté politique, mais aussi la frustration des peuples face au chômage, à la stagnation économique et à la pauvreté, à la corruption croissante ainsi qu’aux gouvernements paternalistes, arbitraires et aux élites autoritaires. L’auto-immolation du vendeur de fruits tunisien Muhammad Bouazizi le 17 décembre 2010 en est un exemple. Une autre raison majeure est le taux de chômage élevé parmi les jeunes, qui ne cesse d’augmenter à cause de la croissance rapide de la population.
8. Le « Printemps arabe » est constitué d’une série de protestations, de révoltes et de révolutions dans le monde arabe, qui a débuté en Tunisie en décembre
2010/janvier 2011, touchant des pays en Afrique du Nord et au Moyen Orient et dirigé contre des régimes autoritaires, des dictatures et les structures politiques et sociales de ces pays.
9. Cette soif de changement accompagnée du fait qu’une partie de la classe moyenne urbaine, des intellectuels et une partie de la classe ouvrière se sont unis aux pauvres, ainsi que le rôle de la technologie et des médias sociaux, ont tous contribué à l’allure dynamique du changement. La participation active et publiquement visible des femmes était particulièrement remarquable.
10. Les protestations ont été et sont toujours soutenues par un large mouvement appartenant à diverses couches sociales et des sympathisants de différentes orientations politiques et religieuses : gauchistes et bourgeois, laïques et religieux -musulmans et chrétiens – allant de libéraux et modérés aux fondamentalistes orthodoxes. Beaucoup de croyants veulent vivre leur propre vie et se développer individuellement, libres de dogmes religieux et de toute tutelle. Les éléments prépondérants des protestations étaient des principes moraux et éthiques et avant tout une soif de justice, de liberté, de dignité, de tolérance et de respect.
11. Nous devons nous garder de jugements et de comparaisons rapides. La pensée islamique joue un rôle important dans les pays du sud de la Méditerranée et au Moyen Orient et s’est développée sans aucun doute au cours des décennies écoulées. Ceci peut également être interprété comme un retour aux - ou la recherche de - traditions propres. Par ailleurs, les différences religieuses et ethniques se chevauchent dans beaucoup de pays. Elles sont en partie basées sur des structures traditionnelles et en partie instrumentalisées par les dirigeants politiques et religieux.
12. Nous devons également être conscients de ne pas placer sur un pied d’égalité la pensée islamique d’un côté et l’approche politique islamique pouvant mener à l’oppression religieuse de l’autre. Nous devons réaliser qu’il n’y a pas qu’une seule voie vers une démocratie nouvelle, les pays du Sud de la Méditerranée et du Moyen Orient ayant des origines politiques, historiques, sociales et culturelles différentes.
13. Les conflits subsistant encore dans la région ne peuvent être une excuse pour retarder le processus de transition vers la démocratie. Toutefois, la solution de ces conflits faciliterait la pacification durable et la stabilité au sein des pays du Sud de la Méditerranée et du Moyen Orient. La reconnaissance d'Israël par tous les pays de la région qui ne l'ont pas encore reconnu en tant qu'état indépendant et souverain serait un pas important en avant. Une solution juste, durable et globale du conflit Israélo-arabe et l'établissement d'un Etat palestinien indépendant, souverain et viable pour vivre en paix et en sécurité avec l'Etat d'Israël, conformément aux résolutions de l'ONU concernées, serait aussi un pas important en avant. Quant aux Israéliens et Palestiniens, Israël devrait – en premier lieu –
arrêter l’implantation de nouvelles colonies en Cisjordanie et permettre la libre circulation dans les territoires palestiniens. Hamas devrait indubitablement reconnaître le droit d’existence d’Israël.
14. La progression, la dynamique et l’intensité des protestations variaient d’un pays à un autre. Un slogan répandu était « Le peuple veut abolir le régime ». Toutefois, les protestataires n’ont pas tous la même idée de l’état et de la société futurs. Certains des anciens régimes ont été balayés créant un vide tandis que d’autres ont paré les protestations en faisant prudemment des concessions et en octroyant des moyens financiers complémentaires ou au contraire par la force brutale et la répression.
15. Nous constatons que les gouvernements des pays du Sud de la Méditerranée et du Moyen Orient n'ont pas assez mis à profit les immenses ressources pétrolières pour engendrer le progrès économique et social. Elle reconnaît également, avec le recul, qu’une part de la responsabilité pour la mauvaise gouvernance dans le passé revient à l’Europe et aux Etats-Unis. Leur approche reflétait les intérêts économiques et géopolitiques dans cette partie du globe, c’est-à-dire le pétrole, la protection des compagnies commerciales et le commerce des armes, ou par des raisons géopolitiques, plus particulièrement dans le cadre de la Guerre Froide et l’élargissement de leurs zones d’influence. Tout ceci se faisait au détriment des normes et valeurs qu’ils prônaient, et sans se poser de questions au sujet de la démocratie ou le respect des droits de l’homme
16. La coopération et le partenariat entre l’Europe et la rive sud de la Méditerranée et le Moyen Orient doivent se faire sur un pied d’égalité et être au service de chacune des parties concernées dans un intérêt mutuel.
17. Le Processus de Barcelone aussi, initié par l’UE, n’a pas répondu aux attentes qu’il s’était engagé à engendrer : partenariats dans le domaine de la démocratie et la paix, de l’économie et du commerce ainsi que des partenariats au niveau culturel, social et humain. L’Union de la Méditerranée créée en 2008 s’est concentrée sur l’intérêt européen, c’est-à-dire la sécurité, l’économie et la protection contre l’immigration de pays africains, négligeant les besoins économiques, sociaux et politiques des pays arabes du partenariat.
III. LA DECLARATION UNIVERSELLE DES DROITS DE L’HOMME
18. Tous les pays de la Méditerranée et du Moyen Orient sont membres des Nations Unies et reconnaissent donc que les droits de l’homme sont universels. La Déclaration Universelle des Droits de l’Homme fait partie de la législation internationale, qui engage tous les états. Malheureusement les violations des droits de l’homme sont assez fréquentes. Certains dirigeants islamiques
orthodoxes conservateurs mettent même en doute la validité de la Déclaration Universelle des Droits de l’Homme qu’ils jugent contraire à la Charia.
19. L’importance de la Charia est significative, les partis politiques islamiques ont la cote, bien que certains, modérés, disent qu’ils n’acceptent la Charia que pour les affaires de famille. Mais la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme à Strasbourg a établi pour les pays membres du Conseil de l’Europe que la Charia est incompatible avec les principes fondamentaux de la démocratie, tels qu’ils sont énoncés dans la Convention européenne des droits de l’homme.
20. La situation des groupes et minorités ethniques et religieux, aboutissant parfois en des hostilités à peine voilées, est préoccupante. Les manifestants ont demandé la dignité, la liberté et l’égalité, c’est pourquoi la révolution en Afrique du Nord était aussi appelée la « Révolution de la Dignité ». Cet esprit requiert un véritable dialogue social en profondeur.
21. La situation des femmes dans la vie publique, politique et familiale est souvent préoccupante. Bien qu’un processus visant à réécrire les constitutions soit mis en route, les commentaires publics sur la situation future des femmes ne sont guère encourageants dans certains pays.
22. Nous, anciens parlementaires, espérons que le résultat des révolutions arabes soit positif et demandent un soutien pertinent des processus de transition démocratiques. Dans le but d’un intérêt et d’un profit mutuels, l’Europe est sollicitée à contribuer à une transition pacifique vers la démocratie, eu égard à la Résolution 1831 de l’Assemblée parlementaire du Conseil de l’Europe du 4 octobre 2011. Cette résolution a aussi appelé au respect, à la protection et l’accomplissement des droits de l’homme et à la prospérité dans la région, à aider à atténuer les problèmes sociaux, économiques et écologiques et à prévenir l’émergence de régimes militaires ou théocratiques voire le chaos.
IV. LA VOIE VERS LA DEMOCRATIE PARLEMENTAIRE
23. De nos jours, la démocratie est une valeur universelle, comme le démontrent les documents des Nations Unies et plus particulièrement la Déclaration Universelle sur la Démocratie, adoptée par l’Union interparlementaire (UIP) en 1997. Selon la déclaration de l’UIP, la démocratie est fondée sur le droit de chacun de participer à la gestion des affaires publiques et présuppose un véritable partenariat entre hommes et femmes. Bien qu’il y ait plusieurs formes de démocratie, ses éléments-clé sont la participation du peuple, des élections libres et régulières, l’état de droit et des institutions judiciaires indépendantes, le respect des droits de l’homme, l’existence d’une société civile active et d’institutions démocratiques, représentatives et efficaces (parlements) mais aussi des institutions et administrations au niveau local et régional. Le Parlement constitue le coeur politique de la démocratie.
24. Les parlements démocratiques reflètent des sociétés démocratiques. Les six rôles et fonctions essentiels des parlements, l’ « hexagone parlementaire » sont : faire des lois, y compris les réformes constitutionnelles (pouvoir législatif) décider du budget et des taxes (pouvoir du portefeuille) demander au gouvernement de rendre des comptes et contrôler l'action de l’exécutif (pouvoir de contrôle parlementaire) représenter le public démocratique (pouvoir de représentation et de discours) dans le cas de démocraties parlementaires élire l’exécutif (pouvoir électoral) influencer la politique étrangère et les relations internationales (pouvoir de déclarer la guerre et de ratifier les traités, pouvoir de médiation entre le public et les organisations et institutions internationales).
25. Les parlements sont plus ou moins forts dans ces différents rôles. Dans nombre de pays, les parlements sont aux mains d’appareils gouvernementaux puissants et dominés par l’exécutif. Le corps législatif joue par exemple souvent un rôle limité dans l’élaboration des politiques, les budgets étant dans beaucoup de parlements uniquement discutés à leur stade final. Ce sont souvent simplement la capacité technique et l'équipement requis, l'espace de bureau et l'accès à l'information qui font défaut à ces assemblées. La décentralisation démocratique exige plus que la décentralisation et la délégation de pouvoirs. Elle requiert également une large participation de personnes souvent marginalisées, comme les femmes, les minorités religieuses et toutes autres minorités et les pauvres. La responsabilité des fonctionnaires au niveau local est d’une importance croissante pour leur légitimité.
26. Les déficiences ainsi décrites existent dans les pays du bassin méditerranéen et au Moyen Orient. La population ne se sent pas concernée par la vie politique et se sent souvent victime de la corruption et de mauvais traitements. Dans la plupart des pays de la région, il n'y a pas d'homogénéité ethnique ou religieuse. Dans certains d'entre eux, il y a même une hostilité non dissimulée entre chiites et sunnites.
V. PROPOSITIONS
Nous, anciens parlementaires, soulignons et proposons :
27. que surmonter la situation économique désastreuse au Sud de la Méditerranée et au Moyen Orient est d'une extrême importance pour le réveil démocratique dans la région. La démocratie ne signifie rien sans nourriture, sécurité, emploi. L’éducation pour tous ainsi que la formation professionnelle et universitaire sont
des éléments-clé pour l’individu et pour le développement socio-économique, politique et durable d’un pays. Nous plaidons pour que nos pays soutiennent de façon adéquate les efforts fournis dans la région en faveur de la démocratie et d’une amélioration générale des conditions de vie y compris la lutte contre le chômage (des jeunes) et la corruption – sans paternalisme ou attitude condescendante. Les droits des enfants doivent être respectés.
28. que le droit des populations dans les pays concernés de choisir eux-mêmes librement et démocratiquement leur forme de gouvernement est incontesté. Des orientations décisives – et pas uniquement dans les pays de la région – peuvent être données par : la Charte des Nations Unies en particulier, la Déclaration Universelle des droits de l’homme, diverses conventions des Nations Unies sur les droits de l’homme, les droits des minorités et les groupes religieux ou ethniques, la Déclaration Universelle de l’UIP sur la Démocratie ainsi que les objectifs du Millénaire pour le Développement et la Déclaration du Millénaire où les Chefs d’état et de gouvernement, réunis au Sommet du Millénaire en septembre 2000, se sont engagés à ne ménager aucun effort pour promouvoir la démocratie et renforcer l’état de droit, et le respect de tous les droits de l’homme et les libertés fondamentales universellement reconnus, y compris le droit au développement.
29. qu’il n’existe pas de plan pour les processus de transition démocratique à succès. On pourrait tirer des leçons de l’expérience fournie par les divers processus de transition en Europe centrale et orientale. Toutefois, certains éléments-clé pour un processus de transition démocratique peuvent être identifiés : la primauté du droit, le renforcement des droits de l’homme, l’établissement et le renforcement d’institutions démocratiques efficaces et responsables dont les parlements sont la pièce maîtresse (voir « hexagone parlementaire ») , la bonne gouvernance, des organisations de la société civile, des médias et des institutions judiciaires indépendants, le contrôle démocratique des forces de sécurité et l’intégration de la force militaire dans des structures civiles. Dans les pays en transition, beaucoup de groupes et d’acteurs politiques et sociaux prônent le pluralisme, les valeurs démocratiques, la modernisation et la modération. S’ils souhaitent une aide extérieure, le monde extérieur devrait être disposé à fournir un appui généreux.
30. que l’Europe doit faire de son mieux pour combler le vide entre les paroles et les actes (voir l’Union pour la Méditerranée) et promouvoir les processus de transition démocratique dans la région tout en respectant la responsabilité et l’auto-détermination des populations et des pays concernés. L’aide de l’Europe à ces pays devrait se faire dans un esprit de partenariat afin de rencontrer tout d’abord les souhaits et attentes des pays concernés. Le défi aujourd’hui est de fournir un assistance telle que le potentiel des populations et des états est pleinement utilisé.
31. que la Commission européenne pour la démocratie par le droit (‘Commission de Venise’ du Conseil de l’Europe comptant 58 membres à part entière, y compris l’Algérie, Israël, le Maroc et la Tunisie) avec ses possibilités de conseils et
d’experts, pourrait recevoir un mandat officiel pour soutenir tous les pays de la région dans la rédaction ou la modification de constitutions – constitutions respectant les droits de l’homme, l’état de droit et les principes de bonne gouvernance.
32. qu’un meilleur usage devrait être fait des parlements nationaux, de l’Assemblée parlementaire du Conseil de l’Europe, du Parlement européen, de l’UIP, de l’Assemblée parlementaire – Union pour la Méditerranée (anciennement Assemblée parlementaire Euro-méditerranéenne), l’Assemblée parlementaire de la Méditerranée et l’Assemblée parlementaire de l’OSCE, mais aussi du Centre européen pour la Recherche et la Documentation parlementaire (CERDP), afin d’encourager la coopération avec les pays de la région et la Ligue arabe en ce qui concerne la démocratisation, le renforcement des parlements dans l’esprit de l’ « hexagone parlementaire » et les droits de l’homme.
33. qu’on pourrait également faire appel à des organisations et institutions appuyant le pluralisme politique et les processus de transition démocratique, les médias indépendants et les sociétés civiles démocratiques, comme des fondations politiques ou le Fonds européen pour la Démocratie (créé par l’UE en réponse au « printemps arabe ») et des cellules de réflexion sur la région.
34. qu’il faudrait consacrer une attention toute particulière à la situation précaire des femmes, qui n’est pas conforme aux objectifs et normes internationaux. L’objectif du Millénaire pour le développement n° 3 est également très important pour la région : « promouvoir l’égalité des sexes et l’autonomisation des femmes ». La coopération au développement de la part des pays, institutions et ONG européens devrait contribuer à atteindre cet objectif. Nous demandons aux pays de la région d’augmenter la participation des filles et des femmes à tous les niveaux d’éducation, de promouvoir – aussi au niveau dirigeant – la représentation des femmes dans les parlements et les organes élus et leur participation à la vie économique, d’adapter la législation locale en matière de famille et de statut personnel aux normes internationales en matière de droits de l’homme et de créer un réseau légal afin de prévenir et de poursuivre en justice toute forme de violence envers les femmes. Les processus de transition démocratique ne peuvent porter des fruits que si l’égalité des sexes est la pierre angulaire des fondements législatifs et constitutionnels des nouvelles institutions et si les femmes sont associées pleinement à leur construction et à leur renforcement.
35. que des initiatives importantes comme le « Partenariat de Deauville » lancé au Sommet des G8 en 2011 ou le Partenariat pour la Démocratie et la Prospérité partagée avec les pays du sud de la Méditerranée (UE 2011) devrait avoir l’appui total du Conseil de l’Europe et des Etats membres de l’UE afin d’aider les pays du sud de la Méditerranée et du Moyen Orient dans leur transition vers des sociétés et institutions libres et démocratiques avec des gouvernements transparents et responsables. C’est un objectif pertinent que d’aider à créer les conditions positives pour un développement socialement juste permettant une vie dans la
dignité, et pour une croissance durable et inclusive, le développement du secteur privé et de petites et moyennes entreprises pour favoriser la création d’emploi.
36. qu’en ce qui concerne les activités de coopération au développement et le soutien aux processus de transition, les états européens, l’UE et le Conseil de l’Europe pourraient promouvoir des domaines qui sont pertinents pour la transition démocratique et taillés sur mesure selon les besoins spécifiques des pays : renforcement du parlement, de l’exécutif et du judiciaire ; la bonne gouvernance et l’état de droit, la liberté des médias et la liberté d’opinion ; la promotion et le renforcement de la société civile, des syndicats et ONG libres; le contrôle démocratique des forces de sécurité ; la promotion de l’éducation à tous les niveaux – le renforcement des capacités des fonctionnaires ; la promotion et la transformation de l’économie basée sur les principes sociaux et écologiques de l’économie de marché ; la réduction et l’adaptation des changements climatiques ; la coopération régionale.
37. que les parlementaires actifs et les parlements respectifs des Etats membres du Conseil de l’Europe ainsi que l’Assemblée parlementaire du Conseil de l’Europe et le Parlement européen soient invités à défendre l’application de ces propositions et le financement adéquat d’anciens et de nouveaux programmes et instruments favorisant les processus de transition démocratique y compris la tolérance religieuse dans des pays du sud de la Méditerranée et du Moyen Orient.
38. que le processus euro méditerranéen de Barcelone initié par l’Union européenne soit réactivé car il n’a pas répondu aux attentes qu’il s’était engagé à satisfaire principalement dans les domaines de la démocratie, de la paix et de l’économie. L’Association des anciens parlementaires des Pays Membres du Conseil de l’Europe appuie également l’idée d’une relance de l’Union pour la Méditerranée, projet ralenti par les événements politiques intervenus dans le monde arabe mais rendu plus nécessaire que jamais pour aider à reconstruire la région sur la base d’un partenariat équitable.
39. que les anciens parlementaires des parlements respectifs des pays membres du Conseil de l’Europe ainsi que l’Assemblée parlementaire du Conseil de l’Europe et le Parlement européen contribuent à établir une nouvelle collaboration entre l’Europe et le monde arabe dans un esprit de partenariat. Il y a un nombre important d’anciens parlementaires chevronnés permettant de mettre sur pied un forum permanent, axé plus particulièrement sur le renforcement des capacités politiques des hommes et des femmes dans les rencontres, séminaires et ateliers parlementaires.
40. que nous réalisons qu’il ne peut y avoir de sécurité en Europe sans sécurité dans la région de la Méditerranée. La démocratie dans le monde arabe devrait devenir un facteur solide pour la paix et la sécurité dans la région et en Europe, ainsi que dans le monde entier.

terça-feira, junho 04, 2013

Resumo e conclusões Fórum " As redes Sociais numa Democracia Liberal "



              
   Assunto: As Redes Sociais numa Democracia Liberal
                                             Orador: José Manuel Fernandes


“As redes sociais têm um papel cada vez mais central na nosso quotidiano, porque os utilizadores, passaram a usufruir de um espaço de opinião, influência e disseminação de mensagens incomparável na história da humanidade”
                                                                         José Manuel Fernandes



Após alguma reflexão e respondidas as perguntas destacam-se as seguintes conclusões:
- há um maior escrutínio, porque há mais vigilantes ( 4 milhões  em Portugal)
- existem mecanismos de auto-regulação que foram melhorados ao longo do tempo;
- constata-se alguma reserva em relação à elaboração de um quadro legislativo para as redes sociais, uma vez que  a sua natureza é volátil e por isso mesmo difícil de fixar em lei;
contra os perigos da receptividade nas novas gerações e dos incautos das falsas mensagens - HOAX - deturpações e manipulações de informação deveria ser criado um Provedor da Internet para denunciar e manter um banco de dados sobre essas falsidades e ainda  para proporcionar um  combate  à info- exclusão e à desigualdade de acesso eliminando os riscos de isolamento social dos mais idosos
- as redes socias são ferramentas poderosas que podem atentar contra o bom nome do cidadão, invadindo a sua privacidade ;


                                  

quinta-feira, maio 16, 2013

EUROPEAN ASSOCIATION OF FORMER MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT OF THE MEMBER STATES OF THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE APPEAL TO STOP VIOLENCE IN SYRIA AND TO WORK FOR A POLITICAL SOLUTION

EUROPEAN ASSOCIATION OF FORMER MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT OF
THE MEMBER STATES OF THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE
APPEAL TO STOP VIOLENCE IN SYRIA AND TO WORK FOR A POLITICAL SOLUTION


Approved unanimously by the members of the colloquy, La Valetta, Malta, 2nd November 2012.
Regretting the escalation of the conflict in Syria into a real civil war and deploring the continuous acts of violence, the many human casualties and the worsening humanitarian situation, the European Association FP-AP appeals : To all parties concerned to stop immediately all military activities, violence and human rights violations and to strive for a lasting peace in Syria and to work for a political solution and to deploy every effort necessary for the formation of a transitional government in Syria that leads the country to a democratic and pluralistic political regime; To the regime and the opposition in Syria as well as to the international community to give full support to the UN-resolutions and programs and the efforts of Mr Lakhdar Brahimi, the UN and Arab league appointed mediator for Syria; To the European Union, the Council of Europe and its member States to do all they can to help overcome the serious humanitarian situation and to contribute to peace and a democratic transition in Syria by peaceful means.

quarta-feira, abril 10, 2013

Colloquy of Malta- AEAP

EUROPEAN ASSOCIATION OF FORMER MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT OF
THE MEMBER STATES OF THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE
COLLOQUY of Malta

SUPPORT OF DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION PROCESSES
IN THE SOUTHERN MEDITERRANEAN
AND IN THE MIDDLE EAST
DECLARATION OF MALTA

Approved unanimously by the delegates representing the members of the European Association of former Members of Parliament of the Member States of the Council of Europe

I. INTRODUCTION
1. We, former parliamentarians belonging to member associations of the overall European Association, welcome and fully support the emergence of new democracies and the processes of democratic transition in countries of the Southern Mediterranean and the Middle East, which may lead to a new era of freedom, prosperity, justice and peace.
2. We emphasize the UN Secretary-General’s message for 2011, delivered on the International Day of Democracy on 15 September: “Millions of people participated in the dramatic events in the Middle East, North Africa and beyond. Their engagement confirmed that democracy is a universal model. The events also served as a reminder that democracy cannot be exported or imposed from abroad; it must be generated by the will of the people and nurtured by a strong and active civil society. Young people, above all, brought home this message. They championed the democratic ideal and now face the challenge of working to realize the potential of the transitions they helped to set in motion”.
3. The region referred to in this Declaration is being considered from a general perspective, avoiding specific analysis of particular countries. The so-called ‘Arab Spring’ is a historic moment of change, presenting opportunities to build a new Mediterranean region based on common fundamental values but in no case with an ideological or religious background. It can be described as an unexpected yet positive development, which unfolded at a rather fast pace, giving rise to a domino effect on countries experiencing similar levels of oppression and social, economic and educational discontent.
4. Whilst the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ occurred in a number of Southern Mediterranean and Middle Eastern countries, one needs to point out that countries in these regions do not represent a homogenous group, being intrinsically diverse both internally as well as between themselves, and to a limited extent also sub-regionally.
5. The aim of this Declaration is to analyze and interpret the events in countries in the Southern Mediterranean and the Middle East, which are a result of the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ as well as to submit some proposals.
II. NARRATIVE
6. There are politicians and political commentators who have questioned whether the demands which triggered the ‘Arab Spring’ will be met by the parties who are now in charge of creating ‘new’ states, describing the revolutions as an “illusion”. Others often stipulate that Arab countries in the area are comparable to Europe as it was in the past. According to them we have to give them time to develop in a democratic way. After all it took most European countries also a long time to establish their democratic system, with some others just recently falling in line and while others are still lagging behind.
7. The driving forces of the dramatic events were initially not purely demands for political freedom, but also the popular frustration with unemployment, economic stagnation and poverty, increasing corruption as well as with paternalistic, arbitrary governments and authoritarian elites. The self-immolation of the Tunisian fruit seller Muhammad Bouazizi on 17 December 2010 is such an example. Another major reason is the high unemployment of young people which number rises significantly due to rapid population growth.
8. The ‘Arab Spring’ is a series of protests, uprisings and revolutions in the Arab world starting from Tunisia in December 2010/January 2011, affecting countries across North Africa and the Middle East and being directed against authoritarian regimes, dictatorships and the political and social structures of these countries.
9. This hunger for change together with the fact that parts of the urban middle class, intellectuals and parts of the working class coalesced together with the poor, as well as
the role of technology and social media, all contributed to the dynamic pace of change. Particularly remarkable was the active and publicly visible participation of women.
10. The protests have been and are supported by a broad movement belonging to various social strata and supporters of different political and religious orientations: left and bourgeois, secular as well as religious Muslims and Christians ranging from liberals and moderates to orthodox fundamentalists. Many believers want to live their own lives and want to develop individually and free from dogmatic religious persecution and tutelage. The overriding elements of the protests were moral and ethical principles and above all the longing for justice, freedom, dignity, tolerance and respect.
11. We should refrain from overall judgments and rapid equations. Islamic thinking plays an important role in countries in the Southern Mediterranean and the Middle East and has grown without any doubt in past decades. This can also be interpreted as a return to or search for their own traditions. Furthermore, religious and ethnic differences are overlapping in many countries. They are partly based on traditional structures and partly instrumentalized by politics and religious guidance.
12. We should also be aware of not putting on an equal footing Islamic thinking on one side and an Islamist political approach which can lead to religious oppression on the other side. We have to take into account that due to the different political, historical, social and cultural background of countries in the Southern Mediterranean and the Middle East there is no single way to a new democratic order.
13. The not yet solved conflicts in the region should not be an excuse to postpone the transition processes towards democracy. However, their solution would facilitate a lasting pacification and stability of the countries in the Southern Mediterranean and the Middle East. The recognition by all the countries in the region who have not done so of Israel as an independent and sovereign state would be a major step forward. A just, lasting and comprehensive settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the establishment of an independent, sovereign and viable Palestinian State living in peace and security with the State of Israel, in accordance with the relevant UN-resolutions would also be a major step forward. Regarding Israelis and Palestinians, Israel should – as a first step – stop further settlements in the West Bank and allow free movement in the Palestinian territories. Hamas should undoubtedly recognize Israel’s right to exist.
14. Progression, dynamics and intensity of the protests have varied from country to country. A widespread slogan was “The people want to bring down the regime”. However, among the protesters exists a different design how the future state and society will be shaped. Some of the old regimes were swept away what resulted in a vacuum while others countered the protests with cautious concessions and allocation of additional financial means or just used brute force and repression.
15. We notice that governments in the countries in the Southern Mediterranean and the Middle East did not take sufficient advantage of the vast oil-generated resources in order to create economic and social progress. It recognizes likewise in hindsight that a part of the responsibility for past misgovernment rests with Europe and the United States. Their approach reflected economic and geopolitical interests in this part of the world, i.e. oil, protection of business corporations and delivery of arms, or for geopolitical reasons in particular related to the Cold War and for enlarging their zones
of influence. This all was to the detriment of norms and values they advocated, and without putting questions related to democracy and the respect for human rights.
16. Cooperation and partnership between Europe and the Southern Mediterranean and the Middle East must be on an equal footing which serves both sides and are of mutual interest.
17. Also the Barcelona Process, initiated by the EU, fell short of its expectations it pledged to create: partnerships in the field of democracy and peace, economy and trade as well as partnerships on the cultural, social and human plane. The following Union for the Mediterranean established in 2008 focused on European interest, i.e. security, economy and protection against immigration from Africa, while neglecting economic, social and political needs of the Arab partner countries.
III. THE UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS
18. All the countries of the Mediterranean and the Middle East are members of the United Nations, thus recognizing that human rights are universally valid. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights forms part of international law, which is binding for all states. Unfortunately violations of human rights are fairly common. Some orthodox conservative Muslim leaders even question the validity of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as being contrary to Sharia law.
19. The emphasis on Sharia law is significant, Islamist political parties are on the rise, although some moderate ones say that they accept only Sharia for family affairs. But the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg ruled for the Member States of the Council of Europe that Sharia is incompatible with the fundamental principles of democracy, as set forth in the European Convention of Human Rights.
20. The situation of ethnic and religious groups and minorities, sometimes even leading to open hostilities, is a matter of concern. The demonstrators asked for dignity, freedom and equality, therefore the revolution in North Africa was also called “Revolution of dignity”. In this sprit there is a need for a profound and genuine social dialogue.
21. The position of women in public, political and familiar life is often worrisome. Although there is a process of rewriting constitutions public comments on the future position of women is not encouraging in certain countries.
22. We, former members of parliament, hope for a positive outcome of the Arab revolutions and demand pertinent support for democratic transition processes. For mutual interest and benefit Europe is asked, with reference to Resolution 1831, Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, of 4 October 2011, to contribute to peaceful transition to democracy. This resolution also called for respect, protection and fulfillment of human rights as well as for prosperity in the region, to help mitigate social, economic and ecological problems, and to prevent the emergence of military or theocratic regimes or generation into chaos.
IV. THE ROAD TO DEMOCRATIC PARLIAMENTS
23. Nowadays, democracy is an universal value, as can be seen from UN documents and particularly from the Universal Declaration on Democracy, adopted by the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) in 1997. According to the IPU Declaration, democracy is founded on the right of everyone to take part in the management of public affairs and presupposes a genuine partnership between women and men. Even though there are different forms of democracy, its constitutive elements are the participation of the people, free and fare elections, the rule of law and independent judicial institutions, respect for human rights, the existence of an active civil society and of democratic, representative and well functioning institutions (parliaments), but also institutions and administrations at local and regional level. The political heart of democracy is the parliament.
24. Democratic Parliaments reflect democratic societies. The six main roles and functions of parliaments , the “parliamentary hexagon”, are ideally: Making laws, including constitutional changes (legislative power). Deciding on the budget and taxes (power of the purse). Holding government accountable and exercising control of executive action (power of parliamentary oversight). Representing the democratic public (power of representation and discourse). In the case of parliamentary democracies electing the executive (elective power). Influencing foreign policy and international relations (war and treaty power, power of mediation between the public and international organizations and institutions).
25. Parliaments are stronger or weaker in accomplishing their different roles. In many countries parliaments are in the hands of powerful government and dominated by the executive branch. The legislature often plays a limited role in policy-making; budgets are often only discussed at their final stage in many parliaments. Often parliaments simply lack technical capacity and the required equipment, office space and access to information. Democratic decentralization requires more than just decentralizing and devolving power. It also requires widening participation by people who are often marginalized, such as women, religious and other minorities and the poor. Of growing importance for their legitimacy is the accountability of public officials at local level.
26. The afore mentioned deficiencies exist in the countries of the Mediterranean and the Middle East. The population does not feel concerned by political life and has often the impression to be the victim of corruption and mistreatment. In most of the countries of the region, there is no ethnic or religious homogeneity. In some of them, there is even a not dissimulated hostility between Shiites and Sunnis.
V. PROPOSALS
We, former parliamentarians, emphasize and propose:
27. Overcoming the gloomy economic outlook in the Southern Mediterranean and the Middle East is of utmost importance for a successful democratic awakening in the region. Democracy is hollow without food, safety, and jobs. Education for all as well as vocational training and universities are key elements for the individual as well as for the socio-economic, political and sustainable development of a country. We plead that our countries adequately support the own efforts in the region leading to democracy and a general improvement of the living conditions including the fight against (youth) unemployment and corruption – without paternalism and patronising attitudes. The rights of children should be respected.
28. The right of the people in the countries concerned to make their own, self-determined free and democratic decision on their form of government is undisputed. Important orientations are given, not only to countries in the region, by the following: the UN Charter in particular, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, various UN human rights conventions, the rights of minorities and religious or ethnic groups, the IPU Universal Declaration on Democracy as well as the Millennium Development Goals and the Millennium Declaration where the Heads of State and Government, gathered at the Millennium Summit in September 2000, committed to spare no effort to promote democracy and strengthen the rule of law, and respect for all internationally recognized human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the right to development
29. There is no blueprint for successful democratic transition processes. This lesson could also be drawn from the experience with the various transition processes in Central and Eastern Europe. However, some key elements for democratic transition processes can be identified: the rule of law, the strengthening of human rights, the establishment and the strengthening of effective, accountable, democratic institutions with parliaments as a centrepiece (see the “parliamentary hexagon”), good governance, civil society organizations, independent media and judicial institutions, democratic control of security forces and integration of the military into civil structures. In the transition countries, there are many societal and political groups and actors that seek and advocate pluralism, democratic values, modernization and moderation. If they want support from outside, the outside world should be ready with generous support.
30. Europe must do its utmost in overcoming the implementation gap between words and deeds (see the Union for the Mediterranean) and in promoting the democratic transition process in the region in due consideration of ownership and self-determination by people and countries concerned. Europe should shape its support to these countries in a spirit of partnership to first and foremost meet the desires and expectations of the concerned countries. The challenge today is to render assistance in such a way that the people’s and states’ potential can be fully exploited.
31. The European Commission for Democracy through Law (‘Venice Commission’ of the Council of Europe with its 58 full members – including Algeria, Israel, Morocco and Tunisia) with its advisory and expert services should be given an official mandate as an offer to all the countries in the region, in order to support the drafting or revising of
constitutions – constitutions which uphold the universal human rights, the rule of law and the principles of good governance.
32. Greater use should be made of national parliaments, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, the European Parliament, the IPU, the Parliamentary Assembly – Union for Mediterranean (former Euro-Mediterranean Parliamentary Assembly), the Parliamentary Assembly of the Mediterranean, and the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, but also the European Centre For Parliamentary Research and Documentation (ECPRD), in order to encourage cooperation with the countries in the region and the Arab League in the area of democratization, strengthening parliaments in the spirit of the ‘parliamentary hexagon’ and human rights.
33. Use could also be made of organizations and institutions that support political pluralism and democratic transition processes, independent media and democratic civil societies, such as political foundations or the European Endowment for Democracy (specifically formed by the EU in response to the ‘Arab Spring’) and think tanks dealing with the region.
34. Special attention should be paid to the precarious position of women, which is not in accordance with internationally agreed goals and standards. Millennium Development Goal 3 is very important for the region, too: “Promote gender equality and empower women”. Development co-operation of the European countries, institutions and NGOs should increasingly contribute to this achievement. We ask the countries in the region to enhance girls’ and women’s enrolment ratio at all education levels, to promote – also at the leadership level – women’s representation in parliaments and elected public bodies and participation in economic life, to bring legislation in the area of family and personal status law into line with international human rights standards, and to introduce a legal framework to prevent and prosecute all forms of violence against women. Processes of democratic transition can be successful only if equality between women and men is placed as a cornerstone in the legislative and constitutional foundations of the new institutions and if women are fully associated in building and enforcing them.
35. Important initiatives, such as the “Deauville Partnership”, launched at the G8 summit in 2011, or the Partnership for Democracy and Shared Prosperity with the Southern Mediterranean (EU 2011) should get the full support of the Council of Europe and EU member states in order to further the countries of the Southern Mediterranean and the Middle East on their transition to free and democratic societies and institutions with transparent and accountable governments. It is a pertinent goal to help create positive framework conditions for a socially just development ensuring a life in dignity and for sustainable, inclusive growth, the development of the private sector and of small and medium-sized enterprises to encourage job creation.
36. Regarding development cooperation activities and the support for transition processes, the European states, the EU and the Council of Europe could promote areas that are pertinent for the democratic transition and tailored at country-specific needs such as: strengthening of parliament, executive and judiciary; good governance and rule of law; media freedom and freedom of opinion; promoting and strengthening of civil society, free trade unions and NGOs; democratic control of security forces; promotion
of education at all levels – capacity building for public servants; promotion and transformation of the economy based on social and ecological market-economy principles; climate change mitigation and adaptation; regional cooperation.
37. The active parliamentarians and the respective parliaments of the member states of the Council of Europe as well as the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe and the European Parliament are requested to champion the implantation of the proposals and the adequate financial funding of former and new programs and instruments favouring the democratic transition processes including religious tolerance in countries of the southern Mediterranean and the Middle East.
38. The Euro-Mediterranean Barcelona Process, initiated by the EU, should be revigorated because it has not come to the expectations with regard to democracy, peace and economy. The European Association of former members of Parliament of the Member States of the Council of Europe also support the idea of re-launching the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, which was delayed because of the political events in the Arab world, but is more than ever needed in order to rebuild the region on the basis of a fair partnership.
39. The former parliamentarians of the respective parliaments of the member states of the Council of Europe as well as the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe and the European Parliament should also contribute to establish a new collaboration between Europe and the Arab world in a spirit of partnership. There is a rich pool of experienced former MP’s from which a permanent forum can be created, focussing in particular on the building of political capacity among women and men in parliamentary encounters, seminars and workshops.
40. We realise that there cannot be security in Europe without security in the Mediterranean. Democracy in the Arab world should become a stringent factor for peace and security for the region as well as for Europe and also for the entire world

quarta-feira, março 13, 2013

Fórum com a Professora Dra. Adelinda Candeias - O lugar dos avós na Sociedade do Conhecimento - Um desafio / Uma oportunidade







No dia 11 de Março a AEDAR realizou mais um Fórum intitulado - O Lugar dos avós na Sociedade do Conhecimento - Um Desafio/ Uma oportunidade, no qual contámos com a presença da Professora Dra. Adelinda Candeias como oradora.


De um vastissímo curriculo salientamos o seguinte:


Adelinda Araújo Candeias é Licenciada em Psicologia (1990) pela Universidade de Coimbra, Doutorada e Agregada em Psicologia (2001 e 2012, respectivamente) pela Universidade de Évora.


É Professora na Universidade de Évora, onde lecciona as disciplinas de Avaliação Psicológica e de Inteligência, Criatividade e Inovação e coordena o Curso de Doutoramento em Psicologia.


Integra equipas de investigação financiadas pela FCT e pelo Programa Socrates-Comenius. É autora de livros científicos em Portugal: «Inteligência Social» e tem coordenado a co-edição de livros científicos nível nacional, como: «Inteligência Humana», «Unicidade do Conhecimento», e internacional, como : «Inteligência – Definição e medida na confluência de múltiplas concepções», Whit a Different Glance…


Apresentamos as conclusões da Professora Dra. Adelinda Candeias para este Fórum:



“O lugar dos avós na Sociedade do Conhecimento - Um desafio/Uma oportunidade”


Adelinda Araújo Candeias

Professora Auxiliar com Agregação da Escola de Ciências Sociais da Universidade de Évora

O vínculo entre avós e netos é o do amor presente, incondicional que flui
como a água da montanha – transparente, infinita.

Gomes Pedro, 2006




A globalização colocou um novo enfoque no conhecimento como gerador de inovação, o recurso fundamental para o sucesso económico dos países, das regiões, das empresas e das próprias pessoas na sociedade da tecnologia da informação e da comunicação que caracteriza a actualidade. Neste cenário, a necessidade de preparar as pessoas para fazer face à mudança e serem elas próprias agentes de mudança é crucial para o sucesso pessoal, económico, social e cultural. Esta necessidade foi transformada num dos objectivos da União Europeia, como ficou expresso no Conselho Europeu de Lisboa, em Março de 2000 (http://ec.europa.eu/ employment_social/knowledge_ society/): “The fast development of the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) has brought about deep changes in our way of working and living, as the widespread diffusion of ICT is accompanied by organisational, commercial, social and legal innovations. Our society is now defined as the ‘Information Society’, a society in which low-cost information and ICT are in general use, or as the ‘Knowledge (-based) Society,’ to stress the fact that the most valuable asset is investment in intangible, human and social capital and that the key factors are knowledge and creativity. This new society presents great opportunities: it can mean new employment possibilities, more fulfilling jobs, new tools for education and training, easier access to public services, increased inclusion of disadvantaged people or regions.”.



A economia moderna fortemente orientada para a inovação tecnológica e organizacional tem como principal recurso o capital humano e social e como factores chave o conhecimento e criatividade (Cowan, David & Foray, 2000; Lundvall, 1992; OECD, 2005; Pärna & Tunzelmann, 2007; van Weert, 2006). Neste contexto o conhecimento tornou-se profundamente ideossincrático e não se difunde aberta e automaticamente entre as organizações (Lundval & Johnson, 1994; Metcalfe, 1998; Pärna & Tunzelmann, 2007).

Um dos componentes chave para a alta performance de uma organização é a construção de conhecimento, ou seja, a aprendizagem e a formação contínua que geram inovação e valor. A construção de conhecimento depende de factores externos, como o nível educacional do país, a qualidade e eficiência da investigação científica realizada no país, a competitividade internacional assim como as políticas e a legislação que regulam esse contexto. A construção de conhecimento depende também de factores internos à própria organização, como a capacidade da organização para identificar, assimilar e explorar conhecimento a partir do ambiente envolvente (Cohen & Levinthal, 1989; Pärna & Tunzelmann, 2007). A competência para lidar com o conhecimento dependerá da capacidade de aprendizagem técnica (acerca dos instrumentos), conceptual (objectivos e estratégias) e social (valores, responsabilidade e competência social) (Kemp & Weehuizen, 2004).




Esta orientação da economia para o conhecimento, a criatividade e a inovação, progressivamente incrementada nas últimas duas décadas, tem tido implicações nas políticas educativas, profissionais e tecnológicas de diversos países que procuram fomentar a excelência através de políticas e práticas que incidem sobre o desenvolvimento das pessoas, do conhecimento e das oportunidades, assumindo a inovação como uma estratégia para um desempenho excelente. Esta necessidade requer uma preparação educativa e profissional das pessoas para enfrentarem tais requisitos dos contextos que é constante e se mantém ao longo da vida. É esperado que cada indivíduo desenvolva capacidades e competências – inteligência, criatividade e inovação – que lhe permitam uma adaptação e inovação com sucesso e com elevados níveis de excelência continuamente.




Partindo do relatório do Cluster de projectos Infowork (Webster, 2004), que analisa as mudanças na organização do trabalho na Europa e que lançam luz sobre as implicações dessas mudanças para a vida dos trabalhadores, das suas famílias e suas comunidades, especialmente em termos das relações e dos limites entre o emprego e outros aspectos da vida individual e social, percebemos que a proposta de 1993 de Jacques Delors de mudar a forma de organização do trabalho e do uso do tempo de trabalho e a introdução da flexibilidade laboral é uma realidade europeia.

As organizações europeias aumentaram progressivamente a utilização do tempo de trabalho 'fora do padrão', trabalho a tempo parcial. Durante as últimas duas décadas o trabalho a tempo parcial aumentou constantemente em toda a UE (Fundação Europeia de 1992, 1997, 2001; CEC 2000). O aumento do trabalho a tempo parcial foi responsável pelo aumento líquido de pleno emprego, assim como os postos de trabalho que foram criados na Europa foram principalmente a tempo parcial (CEC 2000).

Por outro lado, assistiu-se a uma “Intensificação do trabalho” – os trabalhadores viram os seus tempos privados no trabalho progressivamente e intensivamente tomados pelo tempo de trabalho (Ex. dos Call Center, em que se controlam todas as ausências do local de trabalho).

Noutras áreas profissionais a intensificação do trabalho expressa-se através da auto-exploração, mais do que a auto-exploração e é alcançada através da organização do trabalho em função de objectivos a cumprir em prazos curtos, ou através de pressão dos clientes e através do ‘levar trabalho para casa’. Este tipo de pressão está fortemente presente nas profissões de TI, onde há considerável autonomia de tempo de trabalho, mas muitas vezes a pressão de trabalho é considerável, levando ao que Lehndorff (2001) chama de "flexibilidade activa através de auto-organização".

As consequências destas exigências de formação ao longo da vida e de maior flexibilidade laboral estendem-se desde a gestão do tempo privado (pessoal e familiar), alteração dos hábitos de vida (interrupção dos tempos de descanso como o sono, ou o fim de semana ou as próprias férias) que podem requerer complexos e demorados arranjos domésticos, a fim de satisfazer os requisitos do trabalho e da família. E algumas vezes experimentam-se dificuldades de equilíbrio entre os requisitos do trabalho e as necessidades dos membros mais novos ou mais idosos da família. Podendo induzir stresse fadiga e a capacidade de envolvimento afectivo e social.

Como sugere Webster (2004) no relatório da Infowork, se as repercussões do trabalho são tão abrangentes como a pesquisa sugere, é importante olhar para esta questão do ponto de vista do "equilíbrio trabalho-vida" enfatizando a sua "sustentabilidade social". Ou seja, a organização do trabalho deve ser vista como uma questão que é fundamental não só para o bem-estar de grupos específicos de trabalhadores, mas como aquela que afecta as mulheres, homens, crianças, famílias, cidadãos, comunidades e sociedade em geral, bem como a própria sobrevivência do Espaço Europeu, dando oportunidades às pessoas “to balance their working lives with their private lives”.

http://www.tcd.ie/ERC/past%20symposia/infowork%20symposia%20docs/Infowork%20Knowledge.pdf



O aumento da longevidade humana provocou modificações nas estruturas familiares, especialmente no que diz respeito ao envolvimento e à participação dos avós na vida familiar (Dias; Costa & Rangel, 2005; Dias, Hora & Aguiar, 2010). São muito frequentes as histórias de avós que cuidam de seus netos, contando com a presença de um ou ambos os pais. Essa configuração tem recebido várias denominações, tais como: família multigeracional (Kemp, 2007) e família de três gerações (Goodman, 2007).



Como referem Hank & Buber, 2009:

«Today, unprecedented low numbers of children are born in all contemporary Western societies, but because of advances in longevity, generations still enjoy “longer years of shared lives” than ever before (e.g., Bengtson & Lowenstein, 2003; Uhlenberg, 1996). This has been suggested to result in an increasing relevance of multigenerational bonds (cf. Bengtson, 2001), and recent studies have indeed shown that intergenerational relations continue to be strong across a wide variety of family systems (e.g., Attias-Donfut, Ogg, & Wolff, 2005a; Hank, 2007; Yi & Farrell, 2006) despite previous concerns about a possible “decline” of the family (e.g., Popenoe, 1993).

The grandparent role is central to the model of intergenerational solidarity (cf. Silverstein, Giarrusso, & Bengtson, 1998), and child care provided by grandparents has been identified as a particularly important form of multigenerational family support, which has received considerable attention in many U.S. studies (e.g., Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2001; Hayslip & Kaminski, 2005; Pebley & Rudkin, 1999; Vandell, McCartney, Owen, Booth, & Clarke-Stewart, 2003). The availability of grandparents and its implications regarding, for example, fertility decisions or mothers’ labor force participation has also been investigated in the European context (e.g., Gray, 2005; Hank & Kreyenfeld, 2003), which is characterized by very diverse regimes of fertility, female employment, and child care (e.g., Brewster & Rindfuss, 2000). A comprehensive cross-national account of European grandparents’ engagement in child care, though, I missing (see, however, Attias-Donfut et al., 2005b; Dimova & Wolff, 2006). The data for this study are drawn from the first public release version of the 2004 Survey of Health, Ageing, and Retirement in Europe (SHARE; see Börsch-Supan et al., 2005). Release 1 of the data contains information on some 22,000 individuals ages 50 or older from 15,000 households in Austria, Denmark, France, Greece, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Sweden, Switzerland, and Spain. These 10 countries represent continental Europe’s economic, social, institutional, and cultural diversity from Scandinavia to the Mediterranean.

For 10 continental European countries, the authors investigate cross-national variations in grandparent-provided child care as well as differences in characteristics of the providers and recipients of care. Although they find strong involvement of grandparents in their grandchildren’s care across all countries, they also identify significant variations in the prevalence and intensity of care along the geographic lines of different child care and (maternal or female) employment regimes in Europe. Rooted in long-standing family cultures, the observed patterns suggest a complex interaction between welfare state–provides services and intergenerational family support in shaping the work–family nexus for younger parents. The authors conclude with a brief discussion of possible consequences of grandmothers’ increasing labor force participation for child care arrangements.»




A presença dos avós pode ainda ter um valor de suporte económico, no Centro de Administração e Políticas Públicas, estuda-se esta questão, procurando contabilizar “o trabalho doméstico, a guarda dos netos e o trabalho desenvolvido” após a aposentação. Como referia Fausto Amaro em 2010 (ver: http://expresso.sapo.pt/avos-sao-suporte-essencial-na-ajuda-da-educacao-dos-netos=f742387), quando um avô toma conta de um neto, a família economiza um salário. Além do bem-estar e segurança que um idoso representa, há uma vantagem económica. Em 2010, cerca de 274 mil crianças frequentavam o pré-escolar. De fora, estavam quase 454 mil. (Em 2010, nos infantários das Instituições de Solidariedade Social, as mensalidades rondam os 300 euros, sendo gratuitas para as famílias carenciadas. No privado, os valores podem ultrapassar os 400 euros mensais.). Também para as famílias que têm crianças na escola pública, o problema coloca-se todos os anos, quando as férias se aproximam: os trabalhadores têm 22 dias de descanso e as crianças do 1º ciclo têm 102 dias.

Segundo dados do Eurostat relativos a 2010, uma em cada quatro mulheres com mais de 50 anos deixa de trabalhar, alegando responsabilidades pessoais e familiares. Uma em cada quatro crianças diz que os avós os vão buscar à escola, revela a investigação "Relações Intergeracionais: Um estudo na área de Lisboa", realizado em 2011, num jardim de infância de Alenquer.



Dias, Costa e Rangel (2005, p. 159) salientam que “a maior expectativa de vida do ser humano tornou possível a convivência entre avós e netos por um longo período, o que não ocorria há algumas décadas atrás. Existe, inclusive, a possibilidade da convivência com a quarta geração, a dos bisavós”.

As últimas três décadas caracterizaram-se por transformações nos arranjos familiares, as quais influenciaram as relações entre avós, pais e netos nas situações de cuidado e Educação das crianças. Nesses lares multigeracionais, podem ser apontados benefícios e dificuldades.

Essa maior proximidade pode funcionar como um desafio ou como uma oportunidade, para os netos e para os seus pais. De um ponto de vista mais positivo temos a influência que os avós podem ter na compreensão dos sentimentos dos netos em relação aos seus pais; a sua colaboração na diminuição da ansiedade infantil; pela forma como ajudam os netos a entender melhor os pais, bem como pela participação em vários aspectos da vida dos netos, como o social, o cognitivo, o emocional e o moral. Já a influência negativa está relacionada com o excesso de mimos, que acabam por “estragar” os netos, e as interferências e críticas à criação dada pelos pais (Dias, 2008).



De maneira geral, para os avós, os netos são objecto de um amor incomensurável e fonte de renovação de si mesmos e da família. O vínculo estabelecido com eles é algo bastante particular, pois muitos avós tendem a idealiza-los. A idealização e o investimento nos netos servem como uma defesa contra as aflições da idade avançada e da morte inevitável, assim como representam uma oportunidade mágica de reparar sua própria vida por meio da imortalidade genética (Colarusso, 1997 apud Kipper & Lopes, 2006). Pessoa (2005) observa que o papel dos avós se caracteriza pela gratuidade de atenção, amor e carinho, embora a responsabilidade da criação seja dos pais. Havendo respeito mútuo entre avós e pais, não haverá prejuízos à autoridade paterna e ao desenvolvimento dos netos. É preciso que os pais tenham consciência de que a responsabilidade acerca da educação e formação dos filhos recai sobre eles e não pode ser delegada a terceiros, nem mesmo aos seus próprios pais. Os avós que estão convivendo com os netos devem apoiar a tarefa de educar, mas não permitir que essa obrigação lhes seja repassada (Pessoa, 2005). Segundo Otero e Altarejos (2007), a principal condição para que exista uma boa convivência nas famílias co-residentes é o respeito. Por parte dos filhos casados, deve prevalecer o respeito pela casa e pelos costumes dos seus pais, e, por parte dos avós, o respeito à nova família e ao modo de criação que é adoptado com os netos. Agindo assim, haverá mais acertos do que erros e as gerações terão mais possibilidade de conviver em harmonia.




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